Although, as indicated above, Kellas’ experiments with oxygen equipment on Kamet in 1920 were subsequently ignored, another of his observations was responsible for a renewed interest in oxygen equipment in 1921 and 1922. In discussing the reasons for their failure to reach the summit of Kamet, Kellas and Morshead referred to the difficulties with stoves at high altitude. Morshead wrote, “I was unaware until too late that the large Primus stove, on which I had been relying, would not work in the rarified atmosphere of 20,000 ft, beyond which point methylated spirit is the only possible fuel; while Dr. Kellas had only one small spirit stove which took an hour to thaw sufficient snow to fill a teapot” [20].

With the aim of improving the Primus stoves for the 1921 expedition, Finch went to Oxford in March 1921 to see G. M. B. Dobson, a lecturer in meteorology, who was carrying out tests in a low-pressure chamber in the laboratory of Georges Dreyer, F.R.S., the professor of pathology. Finch was accompanied by P. J. H. Unna, another member of the Oxygen Subcommittee set up by the main Everest Committee and who wrote an informative account of the visit [29]. Dreyer (1873–1934) had been educated in Copenhagen and obtained his medical degree there in 1900. He subsequently worked as a bacteriologist and virologist and coauthored a report with the physiologist Mabel FitzGerald [15]. Dreyer had been a consultant to the Royal Flying Corps (to become the Royal Air Force) during World War I and had probably carried out more research with oxygen for aviators than anyone else in the United Kingdom. His design of oxygen equipment for aircraft was very successful and was used, for example, by the Air Service, U.S. Army [1]. Dreyer’s low-pressure chamber was a steel cylinder 2.1 m in diameter with glass windows and was evacuated by means of an electric pump.

The stoves were duly modified for high-altitude use, and then Finch and Unna switched their attention from the effects of oxygen on the stoves to the possible value of oxygen for climbers. Dreyer had strong views on this, stating “I do not think you will get up [Everest] without it [supplementary oxygen], but if you do succeed you may not get down again” [29]. Finch, Unna, and J. P. Farrar, former President of the Alpine Club, went to Oxford on March 25, 1921, to see the tests on the stoves, and Dreyer convinced Farrar that the question of oxygen for climbers should receive serious consideration. Dreyer’s contributions to the use of oxygen on the 1922 expedition were therefore considerable. Finch stayed in Oxford overnight, and Dreyer carried out experiments on him in the low-pressure chamber the next day. The simulated altitude of the chamber was set at 21,000 ft (6400 m), and Finch stepped up on a chair, first with one foot and then with the other, 20 times in succession while carrying a load of 35 lb. (16 kg) slung over his shoulder. The stepping rate was chosen to correspond to a fairly rapid climbing pace.

The results showed that while Finch was standing still and holding the load at the simulated altitude of 6,400 m his pulse rate was 104 beats/min. Immediately after the exercise during which he stepped up onto the chair 20 times in 2.5 min, the pulse rate was 140 beats/min. However, when Finch breathed supplementary oxygen, the pulse rate while standing was only 77 beats/min, only slightly more than his normal pulse rate of 68 beats/min while standing at sea level. Immediately after the exercise, which this time was accomplished in only 2 min, his pulse rate was not above 100 beats/min. As Dreyer stated, “The striking effect of taking oxygen is obvious from these figures.” Dreyer went on to add, “Apart from the effect upon pulse, there was a marked change in his whole condition and appearance shortly after he began to breathe oxygen. His expression and colour became normal, and his elasticity of movement returned, as shown by the fact that although he attempted to maintain the same rate for his exercises in both cases, he unconsciously shortened the time from 2 1/2 to 2 min” [29].

Dreyer reported his medical examination of Finch and the results of the low-pressure chamber studies in a four-page letter to Farrar dated March 28, 1921, which is in the archives of the RGS. Part of the summary reads as follows [26]

The improvement shown by Finch while breathing oxygen was impressive, but even more remarkable was his ability to do this large amount of work at this very considerable simulated altitude of 6,400 m while breathing air. An analysis of the exercise test is given in Appendix 1. This extraordinary demonstration of fitness by Finch contrasted greatly with subsequent events in 1921.

All members of the 1921 expedition were required to have a routine medical examination, and on March 17 and 18, just 1 week before his exemplary performance in the low-pressure chamber in Oxford, Finch was examined by two London physicians. Amazingly, they concluded that he was unfit, and soon after this his invitation to join the expedition was rescinded by the selection committee less than 1 month before he was scheduled to sail! The medical reports are in the archives of the RGS and make astonishing reading today. They are reproduced in Fig. 19.2; a transcription is given in Appendix 2 (Table 19.1) because the handwriting is difficult to read. Additional information about the authors of the two reports and the expedition doctor, A. F. R. Wollaston, is in Appendix 3. The role of Wollaston in the decision to reject Finch is not spelled out, although Mallory stated in a letter to Winthrop Young that “Wollaston told me that there could be no question of taking Finch after the doctors’ report” [26]. This statement suggests that Wollaston was biased toward excluding Finch in that he was willing to ignore Dreyer’s report.

By any reasonable assessment, the two medical reports are totally inadequate and cannot possibly justify rejecting Finch at this stage. The surgeon’s report is absurdly short and replete with vague terms, such as sallow, nutrition poor, spare, and flabby. The medical report (that is, by an internist) is a little longer but contains no convincing data for rejecting Finch. The only positive findings were a mild degree of anemia (now known to be a frequent finding in athletes), some missing teeth, and apparently some glucosuria as indicated by the positive Fehling test. This last finding is curious and suggests that the test should have been repeated immediately by Larkins. When Dreyer performed the same test 1 week later, it was normal; when it was repeated in November (later that year) by Larkins it was also normal. The contrast between these two inadequate medical reports and the remarkable performance recorded by Dreyer in the low-pressure chamber 1 week later is dramatic indeed.

How is it possible to explain Finch’s rejection on such flimsy grounds? The Everest Committee, as it was known, consisted of representatives from the RGS and the Alpine Club. Finch had strong supporters, such as John Percy Farrar (1857–1929), former President of the Alpine Club, but powerful enemies, including Arthur Robert Hinks (1873–1945), Secretary of the RGS [28]. There had been several instances in the past where Hinks’ animosity toward Finch had been demonstrated, and it seems likely that he was looking for an excuse to reject Finch. In fact, it is natural to wonder whether the opinions of the two physicians who provided the medical reports were influenced by Hinks or some other member of the Everest Committee.

There may have been other reasons for the antipathy of some members of the Everest Committee. A photograph of Finch had been published in an illustrated paper with some information about the forthcoming expedition, and this annoyed Hinks who had a great dislike of publicity in the press. And there may have been other factors, too. The 1921 Everest expedition, and indeed the subsequent ones for the next 30 years, were dominated by men who had been to English public schools and were educated in the Oxford and Cambridge universities or who had a military background. The elitist character of the Alpine Club was amusingly referred to by Scott Russell when he described his first visit to the Club shortly after he had been elected a member. He met Sydney Spencer, one of the vice presidents, who remarked, “I hope your proposers told you that in addition to being the oldest mountaineering club in the world, the Alpine Club is a unique one—a club for gentlemen who also climb.” Then, pointing out of a window at a street sweeper in Savile Row where the club was then situated he added, “I mean that we would never elect that fellow even if he were the finest climber in the world” [14]. Naturally, such an attitude would not set well with the Australian Finch who had been educated in Europe, was not part of the English establishment, and was a great believer in each person’s right to determine his own destiny.

The old-fashioned views of some members of the Alpine Club were highlighted in an anecdote related by C. J. Morris, who was also a member of the 1922 expedition. Col. E. L. Strutt was the deputy leader of the expedition and a power in the Alpine Club. As stated by Morris, Strutt was aware that Finch [24]

had been educated in Switzerland and had acquired a considerable reputation for the enterprise and skill of his numerous guideless ascents [many members of the Alpine Club were against ascents without guides]. Besides, he was by profession a research chemist and therefore doubly suspect, since in Strutt’s old-fashioned view the sciences were not a respectable occupation for anyone who regarded himself as a gentleman. One of the photographs which particularly irritated him depicted Finch repairing his own boots. It confirmed Strutt’s belief that a scientist was a sort of mechanic. I can still see his rigid expression as he looked at the picture. “I always knew the fellow was a shit,” he said, and the sneer remained on his face while the rest of us sat in frozen silence.

In spite of this, Finch and Strutt later became firm friends. Morris also remarked on the rigorous scientific approach of Finch, which contributed to other logistical aspects of the expedition. Finch’s empirical attitude contrasted with the more romantic approach of other members of the expedition, for example, that of Mallory.

The allegation that the two medical reports were biased is of course a very serious one, and it is pertinent here to summarize the events in the decision to rescind Finch’s invitation to be a member of the 1921 expedition. The responsibility for the membership of the expedition was vested in the Everest Committee, which was made up of four members of the RGS and four from the Alpine Club. Hinks was the Secretary of the RGS and became the main secretary of the Everest Committee. The other three members from the RGS were Sir Francis Younghusband, Col. E. M. Jack, and Edward Somers-Cocks. From the Alpine Club, there were J. E. C. Eaton, Norman Collie, Capt. J. P. Farrar, and C. F. Meade. The Everest Committee quite reasonably required that candidates for the expedition should undergo a medical examination. The two doctors who examined Finch were presumably chosen by Wollaston, the official expedition doctor. Details of these three people are in Appendix 3. The choice of Wollaston as expedition doctor might have raised eyebrows because his choice to study medicine was made reluctantly and, as pointed out in Appendix 3, he disliked its practice. On the other hand, he had been on several expeditions to remote areas and had distinguished himself as a surgeon in the Royal Navy during World War I when he was awarded a D.S.C.